The Documentary The Sixteenth Man - 538 Words

The documentary the 16th man tells the story of the South African rugby team winning the 1995 World Cup during a time when racial equality was a major issue. The whites were in power in the country of South Africa and judging others based simply by their skin color. According to the video blacks outnumbered whites 6 to 1, but still did not have the right to vote as the whites had complete control. Both sides were at odds with each other fueled by anger and unjustified resentment. Then when the 1995 rugby World Cup was being held in South Africa the South African team was heavy underdogs. The big news though was one of the better players on the team was a black man. This created some pride among their race and brought their attention to the games. South Africa ended up shocking the world as they won the World Cup. This was big news and had a tremendous impact on their fans. However, the biggest impact could not be measured by a trophy. The victory brought people together. 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Thousands of black protestors flooded the streets in protest of the horrific acta that took place in the sixteenth Baptist street church [2]. It was not until 2001 and

Mary Mallon free essay sample

Soper just showed up to Mary Mallons place of stay and started accusing her of spreading disease to many people through her cooking career. (Leavitt, 19) Mary Mallon has quickly became defensive because if you were to look at her she appeared to be a healthy woman. Leavitt, 20) She claimed she has never been sick with Typhoid fever so how can she possibly spread the disease if she never was sick from it? Mary Mallons hostile and rude reaction to Sopers accusations were her first mistakes in this case. (Leavitt, 100) Soper just wanted to help Mary not imprison her, and even offered her a book deal and a great deal of money through helping him in his investigations of being a healthy carrier. (Leavitt, 110) Soper found it impossible to reason with Miss Mallon, even though he had evidence showing her that she can be a possible explanation for the outbreaks, Mary Mallon chose not accept it. Leavitt, 110) Mary Mallon was a victim of fate and struggle because she was working class and a immigrant. (Leavitt, 117) Society felt that most poor immigrants that come to America were dirty and unsanitary and the source of infection and spreading of diseases. (Leavitt, 118) Mary Mallons reaction to Soper, and other health officials were against the norm during the time of the 1900s. (Leavitt, 124) Mary would act really hostile and threatening, even so much as to pull a knife on Soper to scare him off. Leavitt,19) Woman were expected to act more civilized especially to authorities and since she acted hostile and in denial of the evidence did not help her case at all. Mary Mallon probably figured that she was going to be a victim of unfortunate circumstance if she did not fight for her freedom, she felt that health officials were not trying to help her but were out to conspire against her. (Leavitt, 174) S. Josephine Baker was the official health inspector and had a deep interest i n Mary Mallons case because she was a woman. Baker felt as if she was able to help Mary more for this reason. (Leavitt, 44) Baker was sent to go collect stools of Marys to check for tyhoid bacteria in her stool. Mallon was hiding from Baker however in the she was residing at and even had the other servants cover for her. They claimed they did not know the whereabouts of Mallon. (Leavitt, 46) Mary Mallon came out fighting and trying to resist going to the Willard Parker Hospital. (Leavitt, 47) At the hospital, bacteriologist found a high number of typhoid bacteria in her stool. Leavitt, 47) Baker and other health officials found woman to be more dangerous bacteria carriers than men because of the role of cooking they play in the kitchen. (Leavitt, 97) More and more carriers were woman, 1923 statistics show that there were 106 healthy carriers and 82 of them were revealed to be woman. (Leavitt, 98) Mary Mallon would not comply with health officials about understanding that she was a healthy carrier. They felt she was a menace to society. In the year of 1907 Mary Mallon was sent to left in a isolated college for quarantine on North Brother island in New York. Leavitt, 20) Mary Mallon was there for two years even though she appeared to be healthy. (Leavitt, 20) Mary Mallon wanted to be released from the island because she still claimed she was healthy and never had typhoid fever in her life. She hired George Francis ONeil to take her case. (Leavitt, 76) ONeil did not believe in bacteriology science. This was still a new concept to understand in society during this time. (Leavitt, 84) Even though there was a lot of evidence that there was many typhoid cases were Mary worked, ONeil felt as if there were not enough evidence that she was the reason everyone was getting sick. Leavitt, 85) Statistics have showed in 1907 that there was 4,400 new cases of typhoid fever, only two of them were traced to Mary Mallon, so why was she being locked up when there were many other menaces in society? (Leavitt, 85) ONeil felt that Soper and Bakers evidence was incomplete. Mary Mallon said she had worked in many homes where no one got sick from Typhoid fever. (Leavitt, 86) Health officials continued to study Mary Mallons stool to keep examining for typhoid bacteria. ONeil was trying to prove that it was wrong to isolate Mary Mallon from the world when there were many other healthy carriers walking freely. Leavitt, 88) The department of health claimed she was dangerous to society to the judge because she was a cook and refused to acknowledge that she was a healthy carrier and that Mallon could get more people sick. (Leavitt, 89) Mary Mallon was the first publically identified healthy carrier, and since she did not behave to the norm of woman roles in society as being calmed and colle cted about the situation, the health department was going to make her an example of how not to act as a healthy carrier. (Leavitt, 90) ONeil filed for habeas corpus for Mary Mallons case so she can be released from the island. Leavitt, 76) Public soon caught on to the story thru newspaper and did not understand why a healthy persons liberty can be taken away. Mallons story was seen to be more sympathetic now because of the press. Health commissioner Lederle listened to the publics opinion and released her from North Brother Island in February 1910. (Leavitt, 145) It became known to the public thru newspapers that there was other large numbers of healthy carriers walking free and Mary Mallon should not be singled out. (Leavitt, 145) Mary Mallon was released from the island after almost 3 years of staying there. She made an agreement with Health officials that she would no longer cook as her profession. Health officials even helped her find another job cleaning clothes, even though it did not pay as well as a cook, they felt it was safer to society. (Leavitt, 145) Even though Mary Mallon claimed to never be sick, she still signed this agreement, she probably felt it was safer than to have her gallbladder removed in order to get better in the eyes of the health department. (Leavitt, 173) Five years later after her release, Mary Mallon was found my Baker working at Sloane Hospital as a chef. Leavitt, 151) This angered the public once the story was released in the press. Mary Mallon had a chance at freedom and ruined it purposely. (Leavitt, 151) Sloane hospital was a maternity hospital and Mallon could possibly got 300 people sick. (Leavitt, 152) Mary Mallon was sent back to North Brother Island on the month of March, in the year 1915. (Leavitt, 192) Mallon started working on the island as a nu rse and help assist in the hospital laboratory to look for tuberculosis bacteria in patients stools. Leavitt, 194) This is unusual for Mallons case as she did not believe in the new science of bacteriology, yet she was helping North Brother Island during her confinement. (Leavitt, 199) There were many other publically know healthy carriers in society but they were not sent to confinement and isolation like Mary Mallon. Alphonse Cotils and Tony Labella both worked in the food handling business and made an agreement not to work in that line of business. Both were found violating the agreement however. (Leavitt, 119) Labella had more typhoid cases than Mary Mallon, more people died because of him yet he was not isolated as Mary Mallon was. Leavitt, 119) Labella violated his agreement two more times, yet health officials were still letting him walk free. (Leavitt, 119) The health department even found him construction business to earn a living. (Leavitt, 120) What made Labellas case different than Marys is that he was a man who had a family to support, where as Mary was a single woman by herself. (Le avitt, 120) Perhaps if Mary Mallon had family or some kind of support she would not of have been confined to the North Brother Island for the rest of her life. Another healthy carrier case was by a man name Frederick Moersch. Moersch lived in Brooklyn, New York and owned a ice cream shop. (Leavitt, 121) He affected fifty-nine people and was placed in Riverside Hospital. (Leavitt, 121) He was more like Cotils and Labellas case and had a family to support. (Leavitt, 122) Moersch made an agreement that he would be released back into society just as long as he did not serve ice cream or any kind of food to the public. (Leavitt, 122) Moersch had a sick wife and the only means of living was his ice cream shop. In the year of 1928, Moersch found himself in a situation where he was not able to find himself any work. (Leavitt, 123) He returned to the ice cream shop business, even though it violated his agreements with the courts. (Leavitt, 123) The press soon caught on to this story and the health department promised it would protect society and isolate Moersch just as they isolated Mary Mallon for violating her agreement. (Leavitt, 123) Moersch did spend many years at the North Brother island but he was not isolated for life as Mary Mallon was. Leavitt, 124) Moersch infected more people than Mallon did, and the health department even help financially support Moersch and his family. (Leavitt, 124) Alphonse Cotils was another healthy carrier of typhoid. He was a danger to society because he owned a bakery and a restaurant and had a extremely high chance of spreading typhoid bacteria. (Leavitt, 57) Cotils knew about his agreement and still deliberately violated it as he was found in court again in 1924. (Leavitt, 57) Cotils was found guilty, but the judge permitted him his freedom because he promised to stay away from his bakery and his restaurant. Leavitt, 58) It became clear that the health department were treating each healthy carrier different and that there were not set of official rules on whether or not a healthy carrier should be isolated. (Leavitt, 125) Mary Mallon was becoming ill and suffered many strokes in the year of 1932. (Leavitt, 160) She was bedridden because of the the strokes paralyzed her. (Leavitt, 160) Mary Mallon spent more than half of her adult life at North Brother Island, even though she was healthy. (Leavitt, 160) Even though there was other cases similar to Marys but far more drastic, she was the one that had to pay the price of being an example of how not to act as a healthy carrier. Perhaps if she had not immigrated to the United States alone this would of not have happened to her. Perhaps if she was not so hostile to Soper, and Baker, and other health officials she would been permitted her freedom. Health officials should of done a better job explaining Mary Mallons situation to her because she did not fully understand. Even though there were other healthy carriers who violated their agreement like Mary did five years after her released, they were still permitted their freedom because the press sympathized with their family situations. Mary Mallon was not isolated because she was a single, Irish immigrant, but because she did not act a certain way that was expected in society at the time. Mary Mallon was a victim to circumstance that led to a horrible fate of isolation at North Brother Island. The main problem with Mary Mallons case was the cultural differences from her and the rest of the American society. Word count: 2,336

Montana 1948 free essay sample

Essay Montana 1948 â€Å"Don’t blame Montana! † He said, â€Å"Don’t ever blame Montana! † Who is to blame for the events of 1948? Discuss Montana 1948, by Larry Watson is novel set in American mid-west that raises a question who was to blame for the tragic events that occurred that summer. David Hayden the narrator of Montana re-collects powerful information that uphold his father Wesley Hayden losing control of himself and his emotion to his daughter-in-law due to the fact, she commented it was the â€Å"wild west† who was to blame. It became vibrant to the reader, that in response to Wesley’s actions that Montana was truly important to him and he would not accept anyone that held Montana responsible from the events the occurred within the summer of 1948. We will write a custom essay sample on Montana 1948 or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page By clearly stating that Montana was not to blame, Sheriff Hayden means that it was the whites in Montana as well as his family and himself who were held responsible from the events that arose within the summer of 1948. The whole white population within Mercer County were partly responsible for the terrible events of Montana 1948. The social environment was one that favoured the white people’s value and discriminated against the Indians. The Indian’s lived away from the whites in little reservations allowing the Indians to have little or no contact with the white people. This had already proved the racial treatment within Montana. Furthermore Ollie Young Bear was an Indian but he was accepted from the whites because he lived as white. He was successful through every aspects of life and married a white woman. But the Indians, on the other hand had regard believing that Ollie young bear wouldn’t â€Å"be happy until he was white. The white societies within Montana were all well aware of the crimes committed by Frank against the Indians. When Wesley and Gail were to take action on the claims made by Marie about Frank’s wrongdoings, David heard a remark made by Daisy McAuley saying â€Å"Just the squaws though. † Daisy comment showed a racial statement about Indian women. It app eared that Daisy was justifying against Franks actions, because in her eyes Indian women were worthless and deserved the way they were being treated. After the conversation between Gail and Daisy, Gail informed Wesley that it was â€Å"around town more than you realize. † Gail’s statement proved that a lot of the citizens within Montana knew of Franks activities but choose to â€Å"look away† just like Len, Deputy Sheriff chose to do. It was the racial treatment of the white people that overlooked Frank’s actions which led them responsible for what occurred within the summer of 1948. Julian Hayden is the head of the family and holds great power within his family and the community. Therefore Wes has a boundless deal of obedience and loyalty towards him. When Gail informs Wes of Frank’s actions, Wes’ first response was â€Å"I don’t want this getting back to my father. † This showed how important it was to Wes, that his father doesn’t not get upset. However, it turned out Julian already was well aware of his favourite son’s wrongdoing but took it as a joke by stating â€Å"I wouldn’t be surprised if there weren’t some young ones out on the reservation who look a lot like your brother. Julian chose to side with Frank, as he thought very little of the Indians as he considered them to have lower status compared to the whites. Julian challenged Wes’ arrest of his brother by saying â€Å"Some Indian thinks he put his hands where he shouldn’t and you’re pulling out your badge? † Furthermore Frank also holds some responsibility to what happened in Montana. He abused his power as a doct or which led him to murder Marie Little Soldier and eventually commit suicide. Frank’s status in the community was that he was a genuine war hero and a doctor but sadly, he misused his status by molesting Indian girls and in some cases raping innocent women during private medical sessions. Frank was smart, because he knew no one would comfort him for his action because of the reputation of his family name and by the fact he had power. When he went to examine Marie at Wesley’s house, he made an assumption about Indian and how â€Å"they are used to being treated by the medicine man. But a doctor comes around and they think he’s the evil spirit. Throughout the novel, Wes makes a deal with Frank for him to stop what his doing and he wouldn’t press charges, but when Frank murdered Marie just to ‘get rid’ of his past and all the evidence, Wes doesn’t hesitate to arrest his brother. Thus, Julian and Frank hold a countless obligation to the events that occurred within the summer of 1948. Finally, the keepers of the law, Sheriff Wesley Hayden and his deputy Len McAuley must hold responsibility for what events went wrong during the summer on 1948. As sheriff, Wes had a duty to ensure the law was being upheld equally for both races. He failed to do this for a long time, first by denying his brother’s offences â€Å"I’m sure he does things to all his patients† and later by denying his arrest, â€Å"he’ll have to meet punishment in the hereafter. I won’t do anything to arrange it in this life. † Due to his lack of responsibility it led to the heartbreaking death of Marie and David’s entry fee of having to see his Uncle Frank at their house on the day of her death, this impacted Wesley to act upon his brother Frank. As a result of Wes arresting Frank, it causes further complications within the family. Julian responded by trying to free Frank by using violence and then Frank taking his life. Wesley finally realized that postponing justice from an earlier stage of the events had himself in some contribution to the tragic deaths of Marie and Frank. It was Wes himself, who failed to uphold the law, had failed Marie and all the Indian women; therefore he must be blamed for the tragedy, not Montana itself. However, Len failed to uphold his role as Deputy Sheriff, which acted upon his role in the tragedy. He obligated the Hayden’s, it was them that gave him his position as deputy â€Å"I have this job. Deputy Sheriff, which I owe to your granddad and your dad†, therefore he believed in â€Å"knowing when to look and when to look away. † Therefore, Len was both powerless and unwilling to challenge Wes’s inactions. Together, both these representatives of the law hold a responsibility to the events which occurred within Montana 1948. Montana 1948 clearly states that the events that occurred within the summer could not be blamed on the state itself. The Hayden was part of a culture that distinguished against the Indian people and overlooked crimes against these people. Due to the racism treatment the Indians coped from the white people it led Frank to get away with his corruptions. It seemed that the power, wealth and influence the Hayden had within the community was much more important than the rights of the Indians to receive justice and respect. Julian and Frank also take part of the blame due to them taking benefit of the power they had. In delaying justice for so long in order to protect his family, Wesley found himself denying justice towards the Indians and having obligation in the deaths of Marie and Frank. Wesley obviously admits that Montana shouldn’t be blamed for the events the occurred within the summer of 1948, when he attacks his daughter-in-law by defending a topic that meant a lot to him. He indicates that the white citizens that lived in Montana at the time, his family and he himself were the ones who were to blame for the tragic events that occurred within Montana 1948. Montana 1948 free essay sample You don’t want Marie getting into trouble right? † Ronnie broke the moment. You see, my mother is not one of those typical mothers that stayed in the house. She is usually out and with Marie; I don’t feel blue at all. Im only twelve years old and leaving in such a small town, I can pretty much do what I want as long as I get home before mum or dad does. Marie never tells on me anyway. Then at that dry warm night, a young Sioux woman lies on a bed in our house. She is feverish, delirious, and coughing so hard Im afraid she would die. My father kneels in the kitchen floor begging my mother to help him. It’s a summer night and the room is brightly lit. Tiny insects cluster around the light fixtures, and the pleading quality in my father’s voice reminds me of those insects- high pitched, insistent, frantic. We will write a custom essay sample on Montana 1948 or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page It is a sound I never heard coming from him. My mother knocked a billion times but no one answered the door; not even a whimper of protest came out of Marie’s lips when mum opened it. If there is something my mother dreaded the most, it’s getting sick. I was on the untidy kitchen, just enough to hear mum ask poor Marie Little Soldier series of questions Im not even sure she understands. Her fever is high, like an ice melting in a very hot day. Then just as I enter the room carrying a glass of water, she rolled to her back and brushed her tangled black hair away from her narrow face. I wish I could do it for her without her realizing the truth. Her cheeks now glowed so brightly that they looked so painful. I can’t bear to look at her face, then just I backed out the door, I caught her eyes. They seem darker than ever, all pupil, black water that swallowed light and gave nothing back. Her red lips are now pale-dry and chapped. Her dress had ridden up and hung loosely over her knees and the sight of her sturdy brown legs was strangely shocking, a glimpse of the sensual in the sickroom but nothing new I had once seen Marie naked or nearly so. I came galloping downstairs one day obviously when Marie thought I would be out a little while longer and caught her just as she was stepping out the shower. She was quick with the towel but not quick enough. I just saw enough to embarrass us both. Dark nipples in a way that shocked me in the way they stood up like finger tips. A black triangle of pubic hair below a thick waist and gently rounded belly and above it all, a broad shoulders that seems as broad as my fathers. I stammer an apology and backed out as soon and quickly as possible but in my head; I play the same scene over and over again. It is as vivid and clear as the first time it happened.

Essay Sample on Media with a Critical Political Economy Approach

Essay Sample on Media with a Critical Political Economy Approach Analyzing the News Current Affairs Sector of Media with a Critical, Political, Economy Approach This essay introduces an approach to studying media, which deals with the interplay of economic, political, social and cultural life. The political economy approach we are outlining here is clearly critical and its focus will mainly comprise of the fundamental political and economic aspects of media in the news and current affairs sector. The historical development of current structures of ownership and production practices will also be exemplified in this essay, confining the main emphasis on four historical processes. A detailed argument of the advantages and disadvantages of analysing media with a critical political economy approach will also be discussed in this essay. Definitions of terms and several substantiating examples will be included to support the arguments mentioned. Golding and Murdock (1991) in their article draw several terms and concepts used in ‘critical political economy’. The detailed definition and explanation of the term points out that social relations and the exercise of power play an impacting role in shifting cultural perspective in society observing how the making and taking of meaning in productions are shaped at every level of social relations. Analysing the nature and source of regulation limits in media is also an essential point to study the way meaning is made and re-made through the concrete activities of producers and consumers. As highlighted by Golding and Murdock (1991), four historical processes mentioned are especially central to the critical political economy of culture the growth of media, the extension of corporate reach, commodification and the changing role of state and government intervention. These processes will subsequently lead us to expand into the advantages and disadvantages of the critical political economy approach. The growth of media as explained by Golding and Murdock speaks of how society views the media industries as the logical place to begin an analysis of contemporary culture hence resulting in an increase in media production. This process has in return brought about a rise in large corporations, which increasingly move towards privatization. Corporations are dominating the industry to a point of moulding media productions to their interests and strategies. One major setback that will arise from such domination is that producers and other related industries can exercise considerable control over the direction of cultural activity of society. And this does not only limit the range to newspapers and magazines, but further affects the cultural production in television and radio for updates in news and current affairs. The extension of corporate reach intensifies a third process namely the commodification of cultural life. According to Golding and Murdock (1991), corporations in commodity production initially produced commodities that can be directly consumed several examples would be newspapers, magazines or novels. However technology has led to further advancement in domestic communication such as the radio, television, computers and the Internet. Hence cultural consumption now requires consumers to purchase the appropriate equipment or hardware as a condition of access. The effects that such a resultant had now rely more on the ability of consumers to pay in order for communicative activity to actually take place. A good example to illustrate this sort of dependence before a person could tune in to the latest updates on current affairs or news at home, he or she would at least need to own the essential hardware. Golding and Murdock (1991) also pointed out that the higher a household’s income, the more probable that the household would own key pieces of equipment like a telephone, a video recorder or a computer consequentially, this brings about a greater choice in communicative activities. This line of reasoning takes us to examine a fourth process whereby corporations face a heavy dose of political pressure particularly in the areas of news and current affairs. Examples that were drawn by Golding and Murdock (1991) related well publicized attacks on the impartiality of news coverage to police seizures of film, or government bans on live interviews with members of political parties. Such attempts are undeniably to narrow public discourse on the part of capitalist economic systems, as they assume a greater role in managing communicative activity. The changing role of state and government intervention in accordance to Golding and Murdock (1991) refer to two main forms the production regulation in the public interest to ensure a diversity of cultural production. And regulatory functions extending to both the structure of media industries and the range of permissible public expression, for example in the usage of obscenities, portraying racial hatred and threatening the n ational security. Hence to draw the conclusion that only a ‘critical political economy’ approach can adequately explain how the media work today may be a biased viewpoint as several pros and cons may be drawn from this approach. A research done by Chandler (2000) interprets mass media research as culture industries in terms of their economic determination. According to his analysis, the economic base of the organizations in which they are produced primarily determines the contents of the media and the meanings carried by their messages. Hence commercial media organizations then cater to the needs of advertisers and produce audience-maximizing products for advertising revenue. While specific media institutions whose revenues are controlled by the dominant political institutions or by the state tend to reproduce interpretations which serve the interest of the ruling class. The media aspects of news and current affairs perform a crucial role in defining events globally and also in reinforcing a consensual viewpoint by elevating the public opinion. Chandler (2000) also stresses that the base and structure applied to the mass media is associated with issues of the ownership and control of the media. The strengths of a critical political economy approach draws our attention to the issues of political and economic interest in the mass media and highlights social inequalities in media representations. As cited by Chandler (2000) in his analysis, ideological analysis helps us to distinguish reality offered in media text. The approach comparatively emphasizes the importance of social class in relation to both media ownership and audience interpretation of media texts, which remains an important factor in media analysis. Furthermore, it underlines the material conditions of media production and reception through the study of ownership and control of the media and the influence of ownership on its content. Besides these factors, the critical political economy approach also challenges us to consider issues such as differential access and modes of interpretation, which are shaped by socio-economic groupings. Representations in the mass media (e.g. political coverage or social groups) often need to undergo analysis in order to reveal underlying ideologies as audience interpretations continue to be affected by such content. Because of the distribution of power in society, some versions of reality have more influence than others, hence leading to structured variations in audience responses as highlighted by Golding and Murdock (1991). This further expands us to another point brought up in their article on how the critical political economy approach allows us to trace relations between the financing and cultural production organization. Commodification as a concern in the critical political economy approach has help to establish a self-perpetuating advantage in the market, which would avoid gross imbalances of power and price. Because the virtue of the market is such that there is compliance to the price laws of supply and demand, there is therefore always automatic pressure to reduce any temporary imbalances. Another advantage of this approach can be seen in government regulation on production and consumption of cultural representations. Because media content affects the construction of society’s identity, there is hence an emphasis on the vitality to preserve national identity and security. Consequently, this brings about changes in public discourse and representation which challenges us to realise the need for analyses in textual organisations. However Chandler (2000) also expressed arguments against the strengths of the critical political economy approach. Although the approach employed empirical methods in particular that included close studies of specific texts on the analyses of media representations. One such limitation referred to the approach shunning away from how audiences and consumers use the mass media. In support of this limitation, Golding and Murdock (1991) similarly mention that critical economy seeks to relate variations in people’s responses to their overall location in the economic system. Critical political economy takes this line of reasoning to media corporations being regarded as potential abuses of owner power thus dominating institutions in society. Reproductions of the medias viewpoint of dominant institutions largely gravitate towards a central and most obvious perspective rather than one which provides alternative representations. According to Chandler (2000) in his analysis, political economy in the mass media has a tendency to avoid the unpopular and unconventional, and alternately to depict on the beliefs and ideology which are most favourable and most widely legitimated. One excellent example drawn by Chandler (2000) was the media portrayals of elections composing the power structure in liberal democracies voting was then seen as an ideological practice that helps to sustain the myth of democracy and political equality. The impact of election coverage was thus conceived in terms of reinforcing political values that were widely shared in Western democracie s and were actively endorsed by the education system, the principal political organizations and the apparatus of the state. The limitation brought up by Lehman also suggested that the powerful dominance of media production corporations only satisfied the needs of a narrowly construed range of consumers which takes place at the expense of the needs of the majority of the population. In the analysis of the critical political economy approach, we have learnt that power lies in the hands of capitalists, which demand increasing financial returns. In searching for increasing levels of revenue, the needs of many that do not have power to monitor corporate effects on the local community have therefore been ignored. Here, Lehman’s analysis on the power structure can be extended to consider the effects such an approach has on culture. This is especially crucial in the news and current affairs area of media, as proprietors would likely use their property rights to restrict the flow of valuable information on which the vitality of democracy depended on. An important supporting example illustrated by Golding an d Murdock (1991) portrayed evidence of the Bertelsmann company of Germany which had control of RCA records and Doubleday books having control over a major chain of newspapers and magazines. Therefore the minimising modes of dominion ranging from government regulation to privatised control is crucial in shaping audiences mindsets. In conclusion, we have analysed the political and economic forces that shape the media industries, and the forms of regulation government production practices and media output. The focal point of argument in the approach of critical political economy in communications arrays the exercise of control over cultural production and distribution, limiting or liberating the public sphere. We have seen in this essay the liberating aspects and the limitations imposed on the news and current affairs sector of media. Useful insights and examples be it in the positive or negative sense have been gleaned to support the important processes encompassing critical political economy approach – extension of corporate reach, commodification and state or government intervention. Although a detailed analysis of pros and cons were covered, it still leaves us room to consider other cultural and historical impacts on how society thinks before we can claim to adequately explain how the media work today .

Gore & Associates case Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Gore & Associates case - Research Paper Example In this case, the organization is divided into decision-making entities and affording them powers to undertake routine forms of decisions with respect to the operations of those entities (Grindle, 2007). This paper will look into the W. L. Gore & Associates radical approach of devolving decision making to the lowest levels of its organization. In decentralization, methodical efforts are made to give power to subordinate levels. The delegation of power in decentralization is not from one person to another but to each entity in an establishment (Grindle, 2007). An organization is deemed extremely decentralized, when entrustment is company-wide within all divisions and functions. Decentralization differ from centralization since in centralization, decision-making power rests on one individual only. Additionally, centralization is a type of traditional supervision in India whereas decentralization is a standard practice in professional management (Burton & Obel, 1995). Everything, which attempts to upsurge the significance of subordinate’s duties is decentralization and everything, which reduces it is centralization (Burton & Obel, 1995). ... Therefore, devolution with respect to office may comprise departmentation of operations. When power is dispersed, devolution is present (Burton & Obel, 1995). The requirement for devolution is manipulated when the company develops in its scope, which demands broadening of office operations. Devolution ensues during decision formulating of routine kind but if verdicts are crucial, the power is not dispersed (Burton & Obel, 1995). The political factors technological development and accessibility of administrators also influence the extent of devolution. Devolution does not occur in its wholesome sense. There exists a combination of the two since some operations are integrated and some are devolved (Grindle, 2007). What are the strengths of this approach? Decentralization aids to enhance the quality of decision-making at top-level management. Decentralization of power among subordinates at each level within a firm releases the top management the excessive responsibilities saving them ti me to devote to more crucial and long-term glitches (Burton & Obel, 1995). This enhances the quality of top management decisions with respect to such problems. Devolution, therefore, provides top managers with chances of looking into other new methods of improving their companies by engaging in managerial forums (Grindle, 2007). The approach of devolving power to the lower levels in an organization accelerates diversification of operations in an organization. It is a subject of common knowledge that a company with departments upon the footing of its products accelerates diversification of market or products even when the power is centralized. Decentralization takes this procedure a footstep further.

The Shays Rebellion and the Origins of Sound Governance in the US Essay

The Shays Rebellion and the Origins of Sound Governance in the US - Essay Example With the cash flow literally gagged, the continental war veterans who had earlier received land as part of their compensation in order to quell their growing discontent with the national government found their only source of livelihoods threatened. Their usual receipt of continental notes, which would have provided them with a reprieve, had lost substantial value that even the government of the day no longer accepted them in form of taxes. The compensation woes notwithstanding, the immediate sealing off of the British agricultural markets right after the war made the situation, even more, worse; large stock inventories piled up, prompting a merchants’ dilemma of the repayment of the hitherto advanced agricultural debts. Unable to settle the outstanding debt with the English creditors, merchants turned on small debtors seizing properties [including land] to service loans. The state’s and the Confederation’s immediate economic remedy of raising taxes to fund the wa r debts stretched the already worse state of affairs even further. With the economy largely reduced into the traditional barter system, farmers and rural artisans essentially owed creditors and the tax man cash that was literally nonexistent. Their [farmers] attempts to petition the Massachusetts legislature to revise the state’s constitution to enable fair taxation, equal representation, issue paper money and/or pass tender laws that would permit debtors to service their loans in goods and services alongside the hard currency bore no fruits.5 A legislature dominated by commercial interests, the proposed reforms never featured beyond the petition. Rather than being sympathetic enough to the protesters’ genuine public concern, assemblymen responded with contempt charging that: â€Å"They, the people, are luxurious in their diet, idle and profligate in their manners, encouragers of foreign manufacturers.†6 As the economy increasingly worsened, they [debtors/farmers] found themselves hauled up in losing court battles with quite a number of defaulters ending up in state prisons; an ultimate fate that was probably imminent for Daniel Shays,

African American in 19th Century Essay Example for Free

African American in 19th Century Essay The Civil war after effects; set the scene for what would become a long road of discovery, hardship, violence, and freedom however, during this process of transition the American people went through emotional as well economical changes which added additional stress to an already stressed nation where many groups became fearful and were subjected to racism which crossed over the boundary of liberty and Justice for all. Equality had become an endangered liberty guaranteed by a country build upon democracy, regrettably the African American people were not the only ones to suffer many vast groups faced hard days in America at the turn of the century several violent attacks were specifically carried out on the African American men and women even though, the civil war brought a lot of changes it produced little or no results for African American men; however, it did bring harsher persecution all over the country, whereas mass numbers of black men were lynched in the lower southern states in a show of defiance. The Emancipation Act did nothing for the white man but still provided less for the African black man who were still unable to vote in addition to having descent jobs with adequate pay many were forced back to the farm as sharecroppers despite the set backs they percervered through the racial remarks and slanders. Black men and women were segragated from the start and separate waiting rooms bathrooms and dinning facilities openly poject the sentiments of the American people of the era,within the State of Mississippi; In Plessy vs. Ferguson (1896), The Supreme Court reinforced that Blacks and Whites should be separate, but equal. The statement SEPERATE but EQUAL! thosewords only produced Segregation on a bias legal system of fairness and equality in which a country struggling already became the fuel on a fire already burning and would later divided the country in later years sparking new violence and refocused hatred. More over the Men and women of that time were forced to swear on separate bibles, they couldnt vote in the election in the country in which they were guaranteed equal rights because they were under disfranchisement, and the racism was developing more and more is some southern locations, for an example many southern states legislated that if your grandfather had cast a ballot then you are allowed to vote and this law supported that nearly all southern white mean were permitted to vote and excluded all African Americans in most situations men whose grandparents had most likely been slaves never voted. Booker T. Washingtons submitted a lot for the African Americans in turn of the century, after his famous speech in Atlanta 1895 (Atlanta Compromise) in about one year the African Americans got more rights, they began to use separated but equal facilities, it was stupid to say the least but it provided a line of truths temporarily and unfourantely included racist ideas inside but it was better than it had been before. Booker T. Washingtons met the American president Theodore Roosevelt at the white house in 1901 and that was a good step towards get the African American and their rights another great pioneer of that time was Du Boise who supported the right for equality and the strive to have equal opportunities within society however Booker T. Washingtons did a lot more for the African American rights, Washington became the Founder of the Niagara movement in 1905. In 1909 the Niagara movement efforts led to foundation of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) which now is the enforcing representation of the African American whereas Booker T. Washingtons inspiration became a door way to freedom and allowed the African American man to have a voice in society. Finally, if I was African American living at that time, I will say that Booker T. Washingtons and Du Bois were the best representatives of the African Americans all over the country, and Booker T. Washingtons started the movement of the African Americans civil rights, while Du Bois came later to continue and support his efforts, they were great team and deserve the respect.